No issue has stressed the internal coherence of European identity more than migration. Not the euro, not Brexit, not Russian aggression — migration. Because migration makes the identity question concrete in a way that abstract debates do not: who belongs, what belonging requires, and who decides. The liberal position on migration and European identity is coherent but demanding. If European identity is grounded in values rather than ethnicity — in commitment to rule of law, democratic participation, individual rights — then membership is in principle open to anyone who adopts those values, regardless of origin.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio offered what may be the clearest articulation yet of the Trump administration’s transactional NATO doctrine — and its implicit breaking point. Speaking publicly, Rubio reframed the alliance’s foundational logic: the United States didn’t join NATO merely to serve as Europe’s security guarantor. It joined, in part, because a permanent military footprint on European soil advances American strategic interests — forward deterrence, power projection, logistical depth. The bases in Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere are not charity.

The joint statement by the foreign ministers of Germany, France, Italy, and Britain is precisely the kind of performative multilateralism that has made European foreign policy increasingly irrelevant to the realities of the Middle East. Let’s be precise about what the bill actually does: it expands the possibility of capital punishment for terrorists in specific, extreme circumstances. It does not mandate it. It does not apply to ordinary criminals. It targets perpetrators of mass atrocities — the architects and executors of violence on a scale that, one would think, Europe above all should understand.